One Election Coming Right Up, How do you want it, Fair or Normal?

Islamic Jihad coming our way soon.

I have added bold lettering and enclosed some of (my) aside statements that I felt were of importance. When you hear people talk about how we have brought this on ourselves by invading Muslim countries or taking advantage of them for their oil, I ask you to point out they have been in jihad since 641 A.D. I don't think Exxon Oil started this back then and I don't believe the U.S.A. was sending diplomatic statesmen there with threats of any kind either. This is an ideology contrived by a murdering pedophile named Muhammad.

A short history of ISLAMIC JIHAD an Ideology not a Religion
and how it is affecting us, the U.S.A. and the WORLD

“Dhimmi” is the Arabic word for “subjugated, non-Muslim individuals or people that accept the restrictive and humiliating subordination to an ascendant Islamic power to avoid enslavement or death,” according to Giselle Littman whose pseudonym is Bat Ye’or, which means “daughter of the Nile” in Hebrew. (Giselle Littman was born in Cairo Egypt, her citizenship was revoked in 1955, became British by marriage and now lives in Switzerland, where she does research and publishes books and articles, mostly about Jews in Egypt and the subjugation of Christians and Jews by Islam.)

Dhimmitude, according to Littman, is the dysfunctional state in which the entire Muslim world known today exists. Furthermore, this dhimmitude is a result of a 1,300 year-old jihad dynamic that has reduced once thriving non-Muslim majority civilizations to a state of dysfunctional dhimmitude. Many civilizations,” she goes on, “have been completely Islamized and have disappeared. Others remain as fossilized relics of the past, unable to evolve.” It is an English derivative of dhimmi.
Littman further explains the meaning of dhimmitude: “I have called ‘dhimmitude’ this condition of ‘subjection with protection’ of non-Muslims in their own countries, obtained by the cession of their land to the Muslim ruler. Subjection, because the infidels submit to the Islamic law which expropriates them, and protection because this same law protects them from jihad and guarantees limited rights under a system of discrimination's that they must accept, or face forced conversion, slavery or death.”
Her understanding of jihad is that it “represents a unique ideology of continuous and universal religious war. People unfamiliar with its history might believe that it remained an abstraction. Quite the contrary; in the course of one century, beginning
in 641 after jihad armies had already conquered Arabia and advanced into the surrounding areas, Islamic conquests expanded over Christian lands from Armenia to Portugal. By the second decade of the eight century, Muhammad bin Qasim’s jihad campaigns had extended the Muslim empire to Sind, on the Indian subcontinent. Other conquests in Byzantine and European lands followed in the next centuries. The newly conquered countries around the Mediterranean had been populated by Christians, with large Jewish minorities. Waves of colonists form Arabia followed the Muslim armies of occupation. These settlers gradually became majorities through the occupants’ policy of colonization, land dispossession, fiscal oppression and, at times, slavery and deportation.” ( As in the example of the three workers at the publishing house who were killed because they printed Christian material in Turkey last week, they also use violence.)
While dhimmis may view jihadic subjugation as oppressive, Muslims think otherwise. They believe in mandatory jihad and because dhimmitude rules are justified by Islam’s sacred texts, Muslims cannot criticize it. “The oppression and persecution of the infidels, including Jews and Christians, are the rightful punishment deserved by the infidels for refusing Islam’s truth.” Muslim conquerors over the centuries have been aided and abetted by Christian leaders who have colluded with them because of inter-Christian dynastic and religious rivalries and personal ambitions.” This pattern, Littman contends, persists today, with France as the leader among European nations that together collude with Arab powers (e.g., encouraging immigration and multiculturalism on the European continent) to obtain need petrol resources. This collusion, which started in 1973 during the devastating Arab oil embargo (which Littman calls “the snare”), is transforming Europe into a dhimmitude continent.
During the process of Islamization of “powerful Christain civilization spread over the Middle East, North Africa, the Iberian Peninsula, Anatolia, and Southeastern Europe,” three important factors emerge as fixed components of jihad policy, says Littman, as follows:

1. “The gradual erosion of resistance within the societies targeted but not yet conquered by jihad, concurring with their growing economic weakness due to the tribute required for the Muslim overlords’ renewal of the truce. During and after their subjugation , their demographic decline followed as a result of warfare, massacres, slavery, abduction of women and children, and deportation, until the situation stabilized. (Forced Political Correctness.)

2. The insecurity caused by the constant mass immigration of foreign populations and the subsequent process of alteration and substitution of one civilization by another, hostile to the indigenous inhabitants. ( Millions of illegals who ignore and break our laws at a much higher rate than our citizens. Illegal students who carve up computers given them in the class room to use, to learn, they just don't care, it is free and their parents don't care they do not pay taxes to replace the damaged equipment.) (The removal of borders, and national pride.)

3. The emergence of powerful collaborationist parties economically and politically linked with Muslim rulers.” (President who attended Muslim school?)
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They created the problem, let them bail themselves out!

I received a letter the other day, one of those 'Important Time Dated Information' ones we seem to get so often. This was my reply, I think you know why.

Citizen For Freedom
4435 N.State Highway 37
Winnsboro, TX. 75494
Joseph L. Larson

April 10, 2010

To; College Republican National Committee

I received your survey (request for money) and once again I am astounded by your inability to grasp facts. I can no longer support the Republican Party, I neither have the money to do so, nor the inclination. The Republican Party as well as the Democratic Party have fallen so far from the Constitution of this once great nation that they should be ashamed of themselves. You have taken every opportunity to spend other peoples money in ways that are both wasteful, but also totally with out the right to do so. There is no place in the Constitution where you are given the right to spend my money, or anyone else's. You can spend your money how ever it pleases you, but what is mine is mine. Under the republican party taxation has grown. To say, but not as fast as under the democrats is a joke, waste and government growth is government growth and waste. I have joined www.goooh.com and if I should be able to support anyone, they will get my money. It is our intention of replacing every representative in congress with someone we can trust. As for the health care bill we intend to see it reversed and make it law that government can never have say in our health care. We will educate the American people to the insidious practice of the two parties working hand in hand to steal our freedoms, our money and our country. You have to be blind not to see the tide turning, how can you expect anyone to believe you are the party of reform, first your senators won't even agree to a 1 year moratorium on pork spending. Yes, pork spending, that nefarious historical waste of tax payers money for things like Murthas' airport, and you want us to vote for people who openly admit they want to practice this? Grow up and get a brain. We don't trust either side and for good reason. Now you bring Newt back with another Contract with America, when you never honored the first one. Do you think college kids can't figure this one out? There are few representative we are going to keep, very few. The only way for you to be a viable party was to listen to the voice of God and make law according to the Constitution. You do neither, so you get no support. None of us are blindly giving money to support a party, when the party does not support America. Look at S.S., Washington had to spend the money in the fund, just because they can't stand to see money not being spent, why did we not hear about the bad choices being made in Fannie Mae and Freddie Mack until it was too late, do we need to hire watchers to watch the watchers? How do you explain $300 hammers and $500 toilet seats. We are going to explain it to you at the polls. The finale straw has been the attempted destruction of our Christian beliefs, the restriction on our moments of prayer in public places, we are not turning the other cheek any longer. IN GOD WE TRUST, NO OTHER.

JOSEPH L. LARSON
Citizen For Freedom

Davey Crocket understood what a congressman needs to know.

From "The life of Colonel David Crockett
By Edward S. Ellis
Philadelphia: Porter & Coates, 1884

DAVEY CROCKETT was then the lion of Washington. I was a great admirer of his character, and, having several friends who were intimate with him, I found no difficulty in making his acquaintance. I was fascinated with him, and he seemed to take a fancy to me.
I was one day in the lobby of the House of Representatives when a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support—rather, as I thought, because it afforded the speakers a fine opportunity for display than from the necessity of convincing anybody, for it seemed to me that everybody favored it. The Speaker was just about to put the question when Crockett arose. Everybody expected, of course, that he was going to make one of his characteristic speeches in support of the bill. He commenced:
"Mr. Speaker—I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the sufferings of the living, if suffering there be, as any man in this House, but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the living to lead us into an act of injustice to the balance of the living. I will not go into an argument to prove that Congress has no power to appropriate this money as an act of charity. Every member upon this floor knows it.
We have the right, as individuals, to give away as much of our own money as we please in charity; but as members of Congress we have no right so to appropriate a dollar of the public money. Some eloquent appeals have been made to us upon the ground that it is a debt due the deceased. Mr. Speaker, the deceased lived long after the close of the war; he was in office to the day of his death, and I have never heard that the government was in arrears to him. This government can owe no debts but for services rendered, and at a stipulated price. If it is a debt, how much is it? Has it been audited, and the amount due ascertained? If it is a debt, this is not the place to present it for payment, or to have its merits examined. If it is a debt, we owe more than we can ever hope to pay, for we owe the widow of every soldier who fought in the War of 1812 precisely the same amount.
There is a woman in my neighborhood, the widow of as gallant a man as ever shouldered a musket. He fell in battle. She is as good in every respect as this lady, and is as poor. She is earning her daily bread by her daily labor; but if I were to introduce a bill to appropriate five or ten thousand dollars for her benefit, I should be laughed at, and my bill would not get five votes in this House. There are thousands of widows in the country just such as the one I have spoken of, but we never hear of any of these large debts to them. Sir, this is no debt.
The government did not owe it to the deceased when he was alive; it could not contract it after he died. I do not wish to be rude, but I must be plain. Every man in this House knows it is not a debt. We cannot, without the grossest corruption, appropriate this money as the payment of a debt. We have not the semblance of authority to appropriate it as a charity.
Mr. Speaker, I have said we have the right to give as much of our own money as we please. I am the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote for this bill, but I will give one week’s pay to the object, and if every member of Congress will do the same, it will amount to more than the bill asks."
He took his seat. Nobody replied. The bill was put upon its passage, and, instead of passing unanimously, as was generally supposed, and as, no doubt, it would, but for that speech, it received but few votes, and, of course, was lost.
Like many other young men, and old ones, too, for that matter, who had not thought upon the subject, I desired the passage of the bill, and felt outraged at its defeat. I determined that I would persuade my friend Crockett to move a reconsideration the next day.
Previous engagements preventing me from seeing Crockett that night, I went early to his room the next morning and found him engaged in addressing and franking letters, a large pile of which lay upon his table.
I broke in upon him rather abruptly, by asking him what devil had possessed him to make that speech and defeat that bill yesterday. Without turning his head or looking up from his work, he replied:
"You see that I am very busy now; take a seat and cool yourself. I will be through in a few minutes, and then I will tell you all about it."
He continued his employment for about ten minutes, and when he had finished he turned to me and said:
"Now, sir, I will answer your question. But thereby hangs a tale, and one of considerable length, to which you will have to listen."
I listened, and this is the tale which I heard:
SEVERAL YEARS AGO I was one evening standing on the steps of the Capitol with some other members of Congress, when our attention was attracted by a great light over in Georgetown. It was evidently a large fire. We jumped into a hack and drove over as fast as we could. When we got there, I went to work, and I never worked as hard in my life as I did there for several hours. But, in spite of all that could be done, many houses were burned and many families made homeless, and, besides, some of them had lost all but the clothes they had on. The weather was very cold, and when I saw so many women and children suffering, I felt that something ought to be done for them, and everybody else seemed to feel the same way.
The next morning a bill was introduced appropriating $20,000 for their relief. We put aside all other business and rushed it through as soon as it could be done. I said everybody felt as I did. That was not quite so; for, though they perhaps sympathized as deeply with the sufferers as I did, there were a few of the members who did not think we had the right to indulge our sympathy or excite our charity at the expense of anybody but ourselves. They opposed the bill, and upon its passage demanded the yeas and nays. There were not enough of them to sustain the call, but many of us wanted our names to appear in favor of what we considered a praiseworthy measure, and we voted with them to sustain it. So the yeas and nays were recorded, and my name appeared on the journals in favor of the bill.
The next summer, when it began to be time to think about the election, I concluded I would take a scout around among the boys of my district. I had no opposition there, but, as the election was some time off, I did not know what might turn up, and I thought it was best to let the boys know that I had not forgot them, and that going to Congress had not made me too proud to go to see them.
So I put a couple of shirts and a few twists of tobacco into my saddlebags, and put out. I had been out about a week and had found things going very smoothly, when, riding one day in a part of my district in which I was more of a stranger than any other, I saw a man in a field plowing and coming toward the road. I gauged my gait so that we should meet as he came to the fence. As he came up I spoke to the man. He replied politely, but, as I thought, rather coldly, and was about turning his horse for another furrow when I said to him: "Don’t be in such a hurry, my friend; I want to have a little talk with you, and get better acquainted."
He replied:
"I am very busy, and have but little time to talk, but if it does not take too long, I will listen to what you have to say."
I began:
"Well, friend, I am one of those unfortunate beings called candidates, and…"
"’Yes, I know you; you are Colonel Crockett. I have seen you once before, and voted for you the last time you were elected. I suppose you are out electioneering now, but you had better not waste your time or mine. I shall not vote for you again.’
This was a sockdolager… I begged him to tell me what was the matter.
"Well, Colonel, it is hardly worthwhile to waste time or words upon it. I do not see how it can be mended, but you gave a vote last winter which shows that either you have not capacity to understand the Constitution, or that you are wanting in honesty and firmness to be guided by it. In either case you are not the man to represent me. But I beg your pardon for expressing it in that way. I did not intend to avail myself of the privilege of the Constitution to speak plainly to a candidate for the purpose of insulting or wounding you. I intend by it only to say that your understanding of the Constitution is very different from mine; and I will say to you what, but for my rudeness, I should not have said, that I believe you to be honest. But an understanding of the Constitution different from mine I cannot overlook, because the Constitution, to be worth anything, must be held sacred, and rigidly observed in all its provisions. The man who wields power and misinterprets it is the more dangerous the more honest he is."
"I admit the truth of all you say, but there must be some mistake about it, for I do not remember that I gave any vote last winter upon any constitutional question."
"No, Colonel, there’s no mistake. Though I live here in the backwoods and seldom go from home, I take the papers from Washington and read very carefully all the proceedings of Congress. My papers say that last winter you voted for a bill to appropriate $20,000 to some sufferers by a fire in Georgetown. Is that true?"
"Certainly it is, and I thought that was the last vote which anybody in the world would have found fault with."
"Well, Colonel, where do you find in the Constitution any authority to give away the public money in charity?"
Here was another sockdolager; for, when I began to think about it, I could not remember a thing in the Constitution that authorized it. I found I must take another tack, so I said:
"Well, my friend; I may as well own up. You have got me there. But certainly nobody will complain that a great and rich country like ours should give the insignificant sum of $20,000 to relieve its suffering women and children, particularly with a full and overflowing Treasury, and I am sure, if you had been there, you would have done just as I did."
"It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of; it is the principle. In the first place, the government ought to have in the Treasury no more than enough for its legitimate purposes. But that has nothing to do with the question. The power of collecting and disbursing money at pleasure is the most dangerous power that can be entrusted to man, particularly under our system of collecting revenue by a tariff, which reaches every man in the country, no matter how poor he may be, and the poorer he is the more he pays in proportion to his means. What is worse, it presses upon him without his knowledge where the weight centers, for there is not a man in the United States who can ever guess how much he pays to the government.
So you see, that while you are contributing to relieve one, you are drawing it from thousands who are even worse off than he. If you had the right to give anything, the amount was simply a matter of discretion with you, and you had as much right to give $20,000,000 as $20,000. If you have the right to give to one, you have the right to give to all; and, as the Constitution neither defines charity nor stipulates the amount, you are at liberty to give to any and everything which you may believe, or profess to believe, is a charity, and to any amount you may think proper. You will very easily perceive what a wide door this would open for fraud and corruption and favoritism, on the one hand, and for robbing the people on the other.
No, Colonel, Congress has no right to give charity. Individual members may give as much of their own money as they please, but they have no right to touch a dollar of the public money for that purpose. If twice as many houses had been burned in this county as in Georgetown, neither you nor any other member of Congress would have thought of appropriating a dollar for our relief. There are about two hundred and forty members of Congress. If they had shown their sympathy for the sufferers by contributing each one week’s pay, it would have made over $13,000. There are plenty of wealthy men in and around Washington who could have given $20,000 without depriving themselves of even a luxury of life. The Congressmen chose to keep their own money, which, if reports be true, some of them spend not very creditably; and the people about Washington, no doubt, applauded you for relieving them from the necessity of giving by giving what was not yours to give.
The people have delegated to Congress, by the Constitution, the power to do certain things. To do these, it is authorized to collect and pay moneys, and for nothing else. Everything beyond this is usurpation, and a violation of the Constitution."
I have given you an imperfect account of what he said. Long before he was through, I was convinced that I had done wrong. He wound up by saying:
"So you see, Colonel, you have violated the Constitution in what I consider a vital point. It is a precedent fraught with danger to the country, for when Congress once begins to stretch its power beyond the limits of the Constitution, there is no limit to it, and no security for the people. I have no doubt you acted honestly, but that does not make it any better, except as far as you are personally concerned, and you see that I cannot vote for you."
I tell you I felt streaked. I saw if I should have opposition, and this man should go talking, he would set others to talking, and in that district I was a gone fawn-skin. I could not answer him, and the fact is, I did not want to. But I must satisfy him, and I said to him:
"Well, my friend, you hit the nail upon the head when you said I had not sense enough to understand the Constitution. I intended to be guided by it, and thought I had studied it full. I have heard many speeches in Congress about the powers of Congress, but what you have said there at your plow has got more hard, sound sense in it than all the fine speeches I ever heard. If I had ever taken the view of it that you have, I would have put my head into the fire before I would have given that vote; and if you will forgive me and vote for me again, if I ever vote for another unconstitutional law I wish I may be shot."
He laughingly replied: "Yes, Colonel, you have sworn to that once before, but I will trust you again upon one condition. You say that you are convinced that your vote was wrong. Your acknowledgment of it will do more good than beating you for it. If, as you go around the district, you will tell people about this vote, and that you are satisfied it was wrong, I will not only vote for you, but will do what I can to keep down opposition, and, perhaps, I may exert some little influence in that way."
"If I don’t," said I, "I wish I may be shot; and to convince you that I am in earnest in what I say, I will come back this way in a week or ten days, and if you will get up a gathering of the people, I will make a speech to them. Get up a barbecue, and I will pay for it."
"No, Colonel, we are not rich people in this section, but we have plenty of provisions to contribute for a barbecue, and some to spare for those who have none. The push of crops will be over in a few days, and we can then afford a day for a barbecue. This is Thursday; I will see to getting it up on Saturday a week. Come to my house on Friday, and we will go together, and I promise you a very respectable crowd to see and hear you."
"Well, I will be here. But one thing more before I say good-bye… I must know your name."
"My name is Bunce."
"Not Horatio Bunce?"
"Yes."
"Well, Mr. Bunce, I never saw you before, though you say you have seen me; but I know you very well. I am glad I have met you, and very proud that I may hope to have you for my friend. You must let me shake your hand before I go."
We shook hands and parted.
It was one of the luckiest hits of my life that I met him. He mingled but little with the public, but was widely known for his remarkable intelligence and incorruptible integrity, and for a heart brimful and running over with kindness and benevolence, which showed themselves not only in words but in acts. He was the oracle of the whole country around him, and his fame had extended far beyond the circle of his immediate acquaintance. Though I had never met him before, I had heard much of him, and but for this meeting it is very likely I should have had opposition, and had been beaten. One thing is very certain, no man could now stand up in that district under such a vote.
At the appointed time I was at his house, having told our conversation to every crowd I had met, and to every man I stayed all night with, and I found that it gave the people an interest and a confidence in me stronger than I had ever seen manifested before. Though I was considerably fatigued when I reached his house, and, under ordinary circumstances, should have gone early to bed, I kept him up until midnight, talking about the principles and affairs of government, and got more real, true knowledge of them than I had got all my life before.
I have told you Mr. Bunce converted me politically. He came nearer converting me religiously than I had ever been before. He did not make a very good Christian of me, as you know; but he has wrought upon my mind a conviction of the truth of Christianity, and upon my feelings a reverence for its purifying and elevating power such as I had never felt before. I have known and seen much of him since, for I respect him—no, that is not the word—I reverence and love him more than any living man, and I go to see him two or three times every year; and I will tell you, sir, if everyone who professes to be a Christian lived and acted and enjoyed it as he does, the religion of Christ would take the world by storm.
But to return to my story: The next morning we went to the barbecue, and, to my surprise, found about a thousand men there. I met a good many whom I had not known before, and they and my friend introduced me around until I had got pretty well acquainted—at least, they all knew me. In due time notice was given that I would speak to them. They gathered around a stand that had been erected. I opened my speech by saying: "Fellow citizens—I present myself before you today feeling like a new man. My eyes have lately been opened to truths which ignorance or prejudice, or both, had heretofore hidden from my view. I feel that I can today offer you the ability to render you more valuable service than I have ever been able to render before. I am here today more for the purpose of acknowledging my error than to seek your votes. That I should make this acknowledgment is due to myself as well as to you. Whether you will vote for me is a matter for your consideration only."
I went on to tell them about the fire and my vote for the appropriation as I have told it to you, and then told them why I was satisfied it was wrong. I closed by saying: "And now, fellow citizens, it remains only for me to tell you that the most of the speech you have listened to with so much interest was simply a repetition of the arguments by which your neighbor, Mr. Bunce, convinced me of my error.
"It is the best speech I ever made in my life, but he is entitled to the credit of it. And now I hope he is satisfied with his convert and that he will get up here and tell you so."
He came upon the stand and said: "Fellow citizens—It affords me great pleasure to comply with the request of Colonel Crockett. I have always considered him a thoroughly honest man, and I am satisfied that he will faithfully perform all that he has promised you today." He went down, and there went up from the crowd such a shout for Davy Crockett as his name never called forth before.
I am not much given to tears, but I was taken with a choking then and felt some big drops rolling down my cheeks. And I tell you now that the remembrance of those few words spoken by such a man, and the honest, hearty shout they produced, is worth more to me than all the honors I have received and all the reputation I have ever made, or ever shall make, as a member of Congress.
"NOW, SIR," concluded Crockett, "you know why I made that speech yesterday. I have had several thousand copies of it printed and was directing them to my constituents when you came in.
"There is one thing now to which I will call your attention. You remember that I proposed to give a week’s pay. There are in that House many very wealthy men—men who think nothing of spending a week’s pay, or a dozen of them for a dinner or a wine party when they have something to accomplish by it. Some of those same men made beautiful speeches upon the great debt of gratitude which the country owed the deceased—a debt which could not be paid by money, particularly so insignificant a sum as $10,000, when weighed against the honor of the nation. Yet not one of them responded to my proposition. Money with them is nothing but trash when it is to come out of the people. But it is the one great thing for which most of them are striving, and many of them sacrifice honor, integrity, and justice to obtain it."
This story reflects the reason the constitution was written, why as guideline for our government and our congress it is the best guideline we have, and when the lines are streached and even as we have seen lately, broken, we can no longer vote for those who favor mis-treatment of this paper, of this document written in the blood of our forefathers and our men and women in uniform today.
Joseph L. Larson

Joe Wilson had it right, LIAR!!!!

Here IS what we have to look forward to. This is from HR 3200 the bill passed was 3590 but most everything here is found in 3590 and more, Government paid abortions, yes, Obama lied again, his executive order does not exclude abortion from the government health care bill.

Page 22 of the HC Bill: Mandates that the Govt will audit books of all employers that self-insure!!

Page 30 Sec 123 of HC bill: THERE WILL BE A GOVT COMMITTEE that decides what treatments/benefits you get.

Page 29 lines 4-16 in the HC bill: YOUR HEALTH CARE IS RATIONED!!!

Page 42 of HC Bill: The Health Choices Commissioner will choose your HC benefits for you. You have no choice!

Page 50 Section 152 in HC bill: HC will be provided to ALL non-US citizens, illegal or otherwise.

Page 58 HC Bill: Govt will have real-time access to individuals' finances & a 'National ID Health card' will be issued! (Papers please!)

Page 59 HC Bill lines 21-24: Govt will have direct access to your bank accounts for elective funds transfer. (Time for more cash and carry)

Page 65 Sec 164: Is a payoff subsidized plan for retirees and their families in unions & community organizations: (ACORN).

Page 84 Sec 203 HC bill: Govt mandates ALL benefit packages for private HC plans in the 'Exchange.'

Page 85 Line 7 HC Bill: Specifications of Benefit Levels for Plans -- The Govt will ration your health care!

Page 91 Lines 4-7 HC Bill: Govt mandates linguistic appropriate services. (Translation: illegal aliens.)

Page 95 HC Bill Lines 8-18: The Govt will use groups (i.e. ACORN & Americorps to sign up individuals for Govt HC plan.

Page 85 Line 7 HC Bill: Specifications of Benefit Levels for Plans. (AARP members - your health care WILL be rationed!)
Page 102 Lines 12-18 HC Bill: Medicaid eligible individuals will be automatically enrolled in Medicaid. (No choice.)

Page 12 4 lines 24-25 HC: No company can sue GOVT on price fixing. No "judicial review" against Govt monopoly.

Page 127 Lines 1-16 HC Bill: Doctors/ American Medical Association - The Govt will tell YOU what salary you can make.

Page 145 Line 15-17: An Employer MUST auto-enroll employees into public option plan. (NO choice!)

Page 126 Lines 22-25: Employers MUST pay for HC for part-time employees ANDtheir families. (Employees shouldn't get excited about this as employers will be forced to reduce its work force, benefits, and wages/salaries to cover such a huge expense.)

Page 149 Lines 16-24: ANY Employer with payroll 401k & above who does not provide public option will pay 8% tax on all payroll! (See the last comment in parenthesis.)

UNHOLY SUNDAY IN WASHINGTON DC. Obama Style

The budget for the federal government has never, I repeat never been balanced under a democratic congress. The years when Clinton was president he had a republican house and congress. The truth which any economist worthy of the name will tell you, it normally takes 6to8 years for the economic policy of an administration to affect the economy. So Clinton road the ground swell of Reagan and Bush Senior, the economy was starting to fall late 1999 and early 2000, then with the war, GW did not have a chance to make the needed changes. Then he fell into Barney Franks "Freddy Mack Fannie Mae" screw up. Then his big mistake was the TARP bailout. Bailouts only work if the plan has a plan to retire the the money inserted in the economy. There was no such plan and Obamadinejad keeps spending what does come back to the treasury. Hyper inflation is around the corner. Why employers are not expanding and hiring is simple, they see the no track brain of this administration and know where it will end up. If they have to bite the bullet, they are making sure it is a small caliber bullet. I for one do not intend to trust congress with my bank account as you will have to do if the health care bill passes. That is part of the deal, read the bill, I am not making this up. Now with the report from the N.E.J. of M. showing 43.6% of doctors saying they will be forced to leave medical practice if this bill passes, we are looking at 30 million potential new patients and just about half as many doctors. Your next appointment will be in 6 or 7 months. Hopefully. Kind of sounds like Canada to me. I bet you really like the idea of doctors getting paid bonuses if they can get a little old lady to sign up for assisted suicide. Hey gramps, your sitting in my sunlight, go die somewhere. Not in front of me though, yuck, you might fill your pants. Look at the lady with cancer Obamadinejad brought out on stage, what a hoax, she has care, good care, and they are not going to put a lien on her house. In fact the hospital director stated he was confident her bills would be taken care on, through state medicaid or as a charity case. Lets not forget anything that requires the feds to impose a tax on you is unconstitutional anyway. The 16th amendment was passed illegally, in a secret meeting with less than a quorum present. Excise tax is the only tax the feds are allowed to charge per the constitution. Our founding fathers knew that taxation led to the downfall of every great nation and empire in history. Don't listen to the drive by media, they are all owned by members of the Tri-lateral commission and they do not have the best interests of America in mind. I have been studying this since 1974, I saw this day coming, I was at Gresham, Tigerton, I was around at Wounded Knee, Ruby Ridge, Waco. the time has come to put a stop to the ruining of our nation. If you don't agree, then move.
FOOT NOTE: As you can tell this was written before the vote on Sunday, but the results of this atrocity will be the same, voted on or not.

The battle can be won

Since September 10 2008 to March 10 2010, 18 months, in order to keep up with the spending of this administration. Bernanke has broadened the monetary base of U.S. currency from 850 billion dollars to 2.1 trillion dollars. That is 2.5 times as much cash floating around out there. That means that every dollar you had in the bank in September of 2008 is now worth $0.40. The health care bill passed Sunday, if the benefits started right away it would require enough capital that the presses would have to fire up again to print the 90 Billion dollar price tag. That means in ten years time the cash floating around out there by double what was there is 2008. Thats not counting the 2.5 times already out the door. We are talking at least 3 trillion dollars instead of the 850 billion when it started in 08. Now your $1.00 will be worth about $0.25 give or take a penny. This was what they were doing in Germany in the 30s when Hitler started all his social programs. They had a 500,000 Mark note that in 1921 would buy a new house, by 1937 it would not even buy a loaf of bread. Bernanke made the statement, we will never run out of money, we can just print more. Everytime the presses roll, you dollar becomes less valuable. Is this the democrats fault, yes to some degree, is it the republicans fault, yes to some degree. But the main fault lies with us, the citizens, we have failed to pay attention and failed to hold our congress and president accountable. Here and there a good man or two would come along, (good women too) but we let the bad ones keep running because they brought pork barrel packages home. Guess what? The money in those pork barrel deals was yours to start with. The government does not own anything, they can not give you anything with out taking it from you first. When the government pays for it, you pay for it, but you don't even get to select what color it will be. Now I know before I write this, there are going to be many naysayers out there in blog land. That is ok, here is the deal. I hear GWB blamed for getting us into a war we did not need to be in, there is some truth to that. If Bush 1 had not listened to the U.N and finished what he started, we would not have had to go back. However, this drive-by media hype that there were no WMDs in Iraq is Bull$$#*. I have a family member who was there before we went back the second time, he found chemical WMDs that nearly killed him. They were never disclosed as the administration was trying to discover who had manufactured them, what country sold them to Iraq. I admit Rumsfeld was a bad choice to lead this war, but it is a difficult thing to wage war without collateral damage. (killing innocent civilians) Especially hard when the enemy embeds itself among them and does not wear uniforms. That is why when they went in so fast they by-passed many units the units went to civilian clothing and came in from the rear causing casualties that could have been avoided. Point being they had WMDs, they could be easily delivered to our population centers. They, the Islam leaders including Iraq's president were intent on killing us. As they still are. Jihad has been planned for several hundred years, this is not something that just came up in recent years because we supposedly have been mistreating these people as some would have you believe. King Richard of England, (during the time frame we read of Robin Hood) was off at the Crusades. Where the crusades were and who they were against was Muslims in the Middle East. Remember also no administration with a democrat controlled congress has ever balanced the budget. Clinton had a republican congress. Does that make republicans better? No, that means when the executive branch and the legislative branch are of different parties all they do is argue and nothing gets done in Washington. And that my friends is when the American people win.